Russia is celebrating Russia National Day today. Setopati asked the Russian Ambassador to Nepal Aleksei Novikov about the different aspects of bilateral relationship, Russia-Ukraine war and participation of Nepali youths to mark the occasion. Excerpts of the written interview:
As our conversation takes place on the eve of Russia National Day, could you kindly share with our readers the significance of this day for the Russian people, especially in the current historical context?
Russia Day, celebrated annually on June 12, holds a special and profound place in the hearts of all Russian citizens. It is far more than just a date on the calendar, it is a living embodiment of our national spirit, our rich cultural heritage, and our unbreakable continuity through the ages.
For the Russian people, this is a day of deep national pride. It serves as a reminder of the centuries-old history of our great nation that has time and again demonstrated unmatched fortitude in the face of adversity, whether defending our vast homeland during times of war or driving forward innovation, culture, and progress in times of peace.
As someone who has had the privilege to serve my country for over four decades, I can say with complete conviction that the greatness of Russia lies not only in its immense natural resources or in the expanse of its lands, but above all in its people, in their wisdom, loyalty to their Motherland, and unwavering moral compass. Russia Day is a moment when we all pause to reflect on these timeless values.
In today’s complex and often turbulent world, the importance of this unity and patriotic spirit cannot be overstated. It is through our steadfast adherence to truth, to historical memory, and to sovereign dignity that Russia continues to chart an independent course grounded in respect for the traditions of our forebears and in the aspirations of future generations.
I am particularly gratified to see that, even far from home, here in Nepal, the Russian community, our friends and partners join us in marking this important occasion. The warm interest shown by the Nepali people in Russian history and culture is a testament to the enduring bonds of friendship and mutual respect between our nations.
As we celebrate Russia Day this year, let it serve as an inspiration to all a reaffirmation that the Russian people stand united, proud of their history, confident in their future, and resolute in their mission to contribute to a more just, multipolar world. Our strength is in our truth, our unity, and our love for our beloved Russia.
This year marks the 80th anniversary of the victory in World War II - a particularly significant milestone. Could you kindly tell us what commemorative events were organized by the Russian Embassy in Nepal on this important occasion?
This year’s 80th anniversary of the victory in the Great Patriotic War (World War II) was of profound importance, and the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Nepal organized a wide range of meaningful events to properly honor this sacred date.
As in previous years, we launched the traditional “St. George Ribbon” campaign - a powerful symbol of remembrance and gratitude. Thousands of ribbons were distributed not only among our compatriots and the Russian-speaking diaspora, but also widely among our Nepali friends, including members of Parliament, representatives of the Government, prominent public figures, journalists, and long-standing friends of Russia.
A particularly moving event was the "Immortal Regiment" march through the streets of Kathmandu. It was a powerful sight to witness Russians and Nepali - young and old - walking side by side while carrying portraits of their family members who had fought in the war. I personally took part in this tribute, as did many of my colleagues whose families also endured great sacrifice during those tragic years.
Additionally, we once again organized a ceremonial motor rally through Kathmandu - an initiative that has become a cherished tradition here in Nepal. With the valued support of the Nepal Police, this year’s convoy was conducted in an exceptionally dignified and well-coordinated manner.
One of the most heartfelt moments of the commemoration was the wreath-laying ceremony at our memorial stand, organized jointly with young Nepali friends from the World Youth Festival Preparatory Committee and from the All-Nepal National Free Students' Union. Their sincere and active participation clearly demonstrated the strength of friendship and mutual understanding between our peoples.
It is important to mention that on May 6, we hosted an official reception at the Embassy, which gathered the entire community in Nepal connected with Russia and the former Soviet Union - our compatriots, graduates of Soviet and Russian universities, representatives of the cultural, academic, and business circles, as well as friends of Russia from various walks of life. This reception provided an excellent opportunity to celebrate together, to reflect on the historical significance of victory, and to reaffirm the importance of preserving the truth about the events of the Great Patriotic War.
Throughout this commemorative program, we also organized cultural and educational events, including public lectures, film screenings, and thematic roundtables devoted to the historical meaning of the victory and its enduring relevance for global peace and justice.
I would especially like to commend the contributions of the Mitra Kunj Association the vibrant community of Nepali graduates of Soviet and Russian universities. Their active participation, personal stories, and consistent support for Russian-Nepali friendship were invaluable to this year’s commemorations.
Likewise, the Russian House in Kathmandu played a vital role in the cultural dimension of the program. Through exhibitions, concerts, and outreach activities, the Russian House significantly broadened public understanding of the importance of this anniversary and helped strengthen humanitarian ties between our nations.
Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nepal for their consistent support and constructive cooperation, which greatly contributed to the success of our commemorative events. The partnership and goodwill extended by our Nepali colleagues are a clear testament to the enduring friendship and mutual respect between our countries.
I believe that this year’s commemorative program not only honored the memory of our heroic forefathers but also deepened the bonds of friendship, mutual respect, and historical understanding between the Russian and Nepali peoples. We remain sincerely grateful to all our Nepali friends and partners who joined us in these sacred and heartfelt events.
Given the historically close ties with the Soviet Union, is the current bilateral relationship satisfactory? Has Russia's interest in Nepal waned, and is this reduced engagement primarily a consequence of the Soviet Union's dissolution or the growing influence of China and India?
Over the past years and decades, enormous changes have taken place in our countries and in the world. But the feelings of mutual sympathy between the two peoples and the desire to deepen multifaceted international cooperation have not changed.
On the eve of the Russia National Day, I traditionally express my gratitude to all my Russian and Nepali colleagues who made their great contribution to strengthening and developing relations between our countries.
Russia attaches great importance to the development of relations with Nepal. Our countries have a rich history of cooperation in economic, cultural, educational, technical spheres. At all times, relations between Moscow and Kathmandu have been of traditionally friendly nature and have never been clouded by any contradictions or differences. Russia values peace-loving foreign policy of Nepal, its adherence to the principles of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence.
Over the past decade, a number of Russian companies and entrepreneurs have explored various avenues to establish projects in Nepal in sectors such as energy, infrastructure, pharmaceuticals, information technology, and tourism. Unfortunately, many of these efforts have faced obstacles on the Nepali side, often due to excessive bureaucratic hurdles or a lack of clear procedures for facilitating Russian investment. In some cases, Russian businesses encountered uncertainty or delays in obtaining necessary permits or approvals.
Frankly speaking, it is somewhat difficult to understand why the Nepali side continues to delay responses on several important pending draft agreements and memoranda, which have been under discussion for quite some time. These include, for example, the Protocol on Cooperation between the Election Commissions, the Agreement between the Ministries of Home Affairs, the Memorandum of Understanding on cultural cooperation, the Agreement on Readmission and others. From the Russian side, we remain fully ready to move forward on these documents, as they would provide a solid legal framework for deepening our bilateral cooperation in a number of key areas. We sincerely hope that the competent Nepali authorities will be able to give due consideration to these proposals in the near future.
Moreover, an additional factor cannot be ignored: some Nepali partners, especially in the private sector, remain hesitant to deepen their cooperation with Russian companies due to political pressure and informal warnings from Western particularly European and American actors. The fear of falling under secondary sanctions or losing access to Western financial systems still plays a significant role in shaping such cautious attitudes.
At the same time, it is important to stress that Russia stands fully ready to engage more actively with Nepal across multiple sectors. The Russian side sees enormous potential in Nepal’s development, be it in hydropower, agriculture, aviation, modern industry, or education. I believe that if Nepali authorities and business circles create a more transparent and welcoming environment for Russian investors free of unnecessary red tape and external political influences we will see very dynamic and mutually beneficial cooperation in the near future.
Moving forward, how can Russia contribute to Nepal's development initiatives, and what sectors hold potential for Nepal-Russia partnerships? What steps should the Government of Nepal take to attract Russian foreign direct investment?
A key area of Russia-Nepal economic relations could be the development of mutually beneficial investment cooperation in several important sectors.
Energy, particularly hydropower, is a priority sector. Nepal alone possesses an estimated annual hydropower potential of 83,000 MW. However, at present, the country produces only about 3000 MW annually. The volume of foreign investment Nepal aims to attract for the development of this sector by 2035 is estimated at USD 23 billion. Given the shortage of domestic resources, Nepal is open to implementing projects under the build-operate-transfer (BOT) model.
In 2013, a Russia-Nepal Joint Working Group on Energy was established and held its inaugural session that same year. However, no further meetings have taken place since then. The Nepali side has confirmed its interest in resuming the activities of this mechanism, which could serve as a platform for discussing key issues of sectoral cooperation. Among the Russian companies exploring potential projects in Nepal are PJSC RusHydro (including in the area of water treatment facilities), Inter RAO Export, and Power Machines JSC.
Agro-industrial sector: Given Nepal’s favorable soil and climatic conditions for the cultivation of solanaceous (potato family) crops, several Russian agricultural holdings are exploring the establishment of greenhouse complexes in Nepal for subsequent export of produce. Russian expertise would also be relevant in the area of long-term crop storage solutions. Moreover, given Kathmandu’s reliance on imported agricultural machinery and fertilizers, projects to establish local production of such equipment - including the revitalization of the agricultural machinery plant in Birgunj, originally built with Soviet assistance - could be of significant interest to Russian investors.
Transport infrastructure development: The Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport of Nepal has confirmed its readiness to cooperate on a joint railway project connecting the western and eastern regions of the country. In this regard, Nepali partners are hoping to resume contacts with JSC Russian Railways (RZD). The Ministry has also expressed interest in cooperating with Russia on the construction of a light metro system in Kathmandu.
Information Technology: There is strong potential for mutually beneficial cooperation with Nepali authorities in areas such as digitalization of government services and public administration, cybersecurity, and human resource development. Additionally, Nepal is positioning itself as an attractive destination for IT and business process outsourcing. The Russian company Yandex has already entered the local IT market with its Yango service, which provides passenger transport solutions.
Tourism remains a highly significant area of cooperation. In 2024, the number of Russian tourists visiting Nepal reached a record 13,700. In the first four months of this year, over 6,000 Russian tourists visited Nepal - an increase of nearly 5% compared to the same period in 2024. In April of this year, one of Nepal’s peak tourist months, approximately 3,000 Russian nationals arrived in the country - the ninth-highest figure among all countries. Nepali partners continue to express strong interest in further increasing tourist flows from Russia. For instance, on March 18–20 of this year, with the coordination of the Embassy of Russia in Nepal, a Nepali delegation consisting of leadership from the Nepal Tourism Board and six local tour operators visited Moscow to participate in the International Tourism and Hospitality Industry Exhibition.
The number of Russian tourist arrivals in Nepal could increase further with the resumption of direct air services between the two countries - an issue that Nepali partners regularly highlight as a priority. This could be achieved either through the launch of a Moscow–Kathmandu direct flight, or through the introduction of chartered and regional flights from Russia to tourist hubs (such as Pokhara) and religious centers (such as Bhairahawa) in Nepal.
Despite a decades-long relationship between Nepal and Russia, high-level visits have been absent in recent years. What factors contribute to this lack of engagement, and how can such visits be re-established in the near future?
In recent months alone, the Russian side has extended formal invitations to the heads of relevant Nepali ministries and institutions to participate in a wide range of high-level platforms. These include the "Shaping the Future" Forum of Education Ministers in Kazan, the Russian Energy Week, International Meeting of High Representatives responsible for Security Issues, St. Petersburg International Legal Forum, Nevsky Environmental Congress, International Conference “ICT-crime 2025”, Practical Conference, “Global Biosecurity Challenges” and, of course, the prestigious St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF) - one of the most important platforms for business and investment dialogue. At the same time, we are pleased to welcome the upcoming visit of the delegation of the Nepal Investment Board, led by Executive Director Sushil Gyewali, to participate in the SPIEF on June 18–21, 2025. We are actively working to ensure that this visit will be as productive and results-oriented as possible.
If Nepali authorities demonstrated a stronger commitment to engaging in such events - and I must emphasize that the Embassy is fully committed to ensuring that every visit is meaningful and organized at the highest level, not treated as a mere formality, as unfortunately sometimes happens - then key issues such as attracting investment, establishing influential contacts, and promoting Nepal’s interests in multilateral agendas could be addressed much more effectively and rapidly.
We believe that deeper and more consistent engagement in these formats would not only benefit our bilateral ties but also bring concrete advantages for Nepal’s development goals.
Nepal currently exports tea and coffee to Russia. How can this trade be better organized, and what other trade opportunities exist for exploration?
As I have previously stated, we encourage Nepal’s economic institutions and business representatives to take a more active role in Russian trade-related events, and to send business missions and delegations to Russia. The Russian market has the potential to become a major destination for Nepali exports, including products identified in the "Nepal Trade Integration Strategy 2023" such as tea, coffee, spices, cardamom, ginger, agricultural products in general, medicinal and aromatic plants, essential oils, pashmina carpets, and many others.
At the same time, there are considerable opportunities to significantly expand Russian exports to the Himalayan republic. There is strong potential in the supply of products from Russia’s agro-industrial sector, including fertilizers, wheat, vegetable oils, sugar, flax, as well as agricultural machinery.
Another promising area for boosting bilateral trade is the supply of Russian aviation equipment. In particular, this includes Mi-17 helicopters, which are already in operation in Nepal, as well as short take-off and landing aircraft, which are highly relevant for flights in the country’s unique geographical conditions.
Russia previously offered numerous scholarships to Nepali students. Is it feasible to revive this program?
Since 1957, more than 8,500 graduates in engineering, medical and other specialties have been trained in this way. Nepali citizens note the quality of Russian higher education, which is widely in demand in the local labor market.
During my tenure, I have personally witnessed a more than threefold increase in the number of Russian government-funded scholarships allocated to Nepali students. When I began my mission, the number of scholarships stood at just 15 per year and today, in 2025, it has grown to 50 full scholarships annually.
I would like to stress that these scholarships are financed entirely from the Russian state budget, meaning that the Russian Government covers all tuition and educational costs for the selected Nepali students. This is not only a generous gesture, but a reflection of Russia’s sincere commitment to supporting the human capital development of friendly nations like Nepal. It demonstrates our readiness to invest in the future of Nepali youth and to strengthen the long-standing ties of friendship between our countries.
Furthermore, Russia stands fully prepared to increase these scholarship quotas several times over. To that end, two years ago we officially sent a letter via the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nepal to the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, requesting detailed input on Nepal’s priority fields of study such as information technology, healthcare, engineering, and other sectors. This information is critical for the Russian authorities to allocate scholarship offerings in ways that directly support Nepal’s national development goals.
However, despite numerous polite reminders, we have unfortunately not yet received an official response from the Nepali side. Therefore, I would respectfully suggest that this important matter be taken up with the esteemed Ministry of Education, Science and Technology. A timely reply would allow us to expand this very valuable program even further, to the benefit of the talented young generation of Nepal.
Additionally, many Nepalis reside in Russia, engaged in business or working in various sectors. Has Russia expressed interest in signing a labor agreement with Nepal?
At present, there is no formal bilateral labor agreement between Russia and Nepal. However, Russia has always valued the contribution of foreign nationals including Nepali citizens who legally work and do business in various sectors of the Russian economy.
As for the prospect of a dedicated labor agreement, this is naturally a matter that would require careful consideration and mutual consultations through the appropriate channels. Russia remains open to dialogue on this subject, should the Nepali side express a corresponding interest and initiate a formal proposal.
In the meantime, Nepali nationals continue to live and work in Russia under existing legal frameworks, and the Russian authorities are committed to ensuring that their rights are respected in accordance with Russian law.
The Russia-Ukraine war has had a global impact. What is Russia's rationale for invading a sovereign neighbor, and what steps is Russia taking to resolve this conflict?
First and foremost, I would like to stress that what is happening is not a "war" in the way it is often portrayed in Western media, but a Special Military Operation a term which precisely reflects the nature and scope of Russia’s actions. The objectives of this operation were clearly outlined by the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin: to achieve the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, and to eliminate the underlying causes of a conflict that has been smoldering for many years, primarily as a result of the West’s irresponsible and aggressive policies in the region.
For years, the Russian-speaking population in Donbass suffered systematic discrimination and violent repression, while NATO countries used Ukrainian territory to conduct military build-up directly on Russia’s borders leaving us with no choice but to act to protect our national security and safeguard the lives of civilians.
It is important to underline that much of what is circulated in Western media regarding alleged Russian actions is nothing more than disinformation and fabricated narratives. At the same time, it is a well-established fact that the Ukrainian side systematically violates international humanitarian law, engages in terrorist acts including the shelling of civilian infrastructure, targeted killings of journalists, and its involvement in the heinous terrorist attack on Crocus City Hall in March 2024, which resulted in the tragic loss of civilian lives.
As for resolving the conflict, Russia has always remained open to negotiations on the condition that the legitimate security interests of our country are respected and the real causes of this crisis are addressed. The proposals that Russia put forward in Istanbul and elsewhere clearly demonstrate our readiness for a diplomatic solution, provided that it is fair and takes into account the realities on the ground, rather than serving as a tool for Western geopolitical games.
And speaking of this, one cannot help but ask: is this really a constructive and responsible approach? The very essence of this so-called "Register of Damage" is deeply flawed and politically driven. It is an attempt to establish an illegitimate mechanism, entirely outside of recognized international legal frameworks, with the sole aim of advancing anti-Russian narratives and laying the groundwork for the illegal seizure of Russian sovereign assets under the guise of "future reparations." This is not about genuine justice or reconciliation, it is about the cynical weaponization of legal instruments for geopolitical purposes, while completely ignoring the suffering of civilians in Donbass and Russian territories caused by Ukrainian attacks. Such initiatives only further undermine prospects for any balanced and fair resolution of the conflict.
Russia will continue to act firmly and consistently to achieve the stated objectives of the Special Military Operation, while remaining open to constructive dialogue with those truly interested in peace, not in prolonging this tragedy for their own political gains.
In the dialogue in Istanbul, Russia outlined conditions for ending the conflict. Why is Russia claiming parts of the four regions currently controlled by Ukraine? Why not agree to territorial control based on the current front lines?
I would like to emphasize that Ukraine tried to derail these talks by carrying out targeted attacks on purely civilian targets and civilian population on direct orders from the Kiev regime. These attacks unequivocally constitute an act of terrorism under international law and, in our view, the Kiev regime has essentially degenerated into a terrorist organization.
The Russian side did not fall for the provocations and, as you know, the corresponding memorandums were exchanged and will be analyzed in the capitals Moscow and Kiev and then, we hope, both sides can continue the talks.
In view of the aforementioned recent Russian initiative to establish a short humanitarian pause of merely two to three days to enable the dignified recovery of the bodies of fallen servicemen along certain sections of the contact line, where wounded individuals may also remain, it is regrettable that the Ukrainian side responded with a categorical refusal. This is not an isolated occurrence: similar proposals put forward by Russia, including those for humanitarian pauses during Orthodox Easter and during the commemorations of the 80th Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War, were likewise rejected.
Such actions regrettably demonstrate that the current Ukrainian leadership is not prepared for constructive dialogue, even on matters of a purely humanitarian nature. Under these circumstances, the notion of reaching an agreement based solely on the "current front lines" appears both unrealistic and counterproductive. Any such arrangement would fail to address the core causes of the conflict and would likely be exploited by Kiev to pursue further escalation.
It must also be recalled that the territories in question - the Donetsk People’s Republic, Lugansk People’s Republic, Zaporozhye and Kherson regions - have, through referendum conducted in accordance with international legal standards, expressed their clear will to be part of the Russian Federation. This expression of the popular will forms the legal and political basis of Russia’s position.
A settlement which disregards these realities would be inherently unstable. Russia remains committed to achieving a comprehensive and sustainable resolution to the conflict - one that guarantees peace, the rights and security of the populations of these regions, and addresses the legitimate interests of all parties involved.
How can Ukraine be assured that Russia will not invade again even if it agrees to all Russian conditions to end the conflict? Doesn't Russia's condition for limits on the size of Ukraine's army make Ukraine more skeptical about Russian intentions?
Let me begin by underlining a fundamental point: Russia did not “invade” Ukraine in the sense portrayed by Western media narratives. What took place was a compelled response to an increasingly dangerous geopolitical trajectory on our borders - one that directly threatened Russia’s national interests and regional stability. Our actions were aimed at neutralizing that threat, not at conquest or domination.
Any future peace must be built not on illusions or PR constructs, but on the honest elimination of the root causes of the conflict. For us, that means the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, terms that have become politicized, but which in substance refer to creating a neighbor that poses no military or ideological threat to Russia or the people of Donbass. Only through such measures can a stable, enduring peace be achieved.
We are prepared to enshrine this vision in a legally binding international agreement. Such a document would reflect Ukraine’s demilitarized and non-aligned status and would carry clear security guarantees from Russia. But we cannot provide guarantees in a vacuum, while the foundational causes of the current conflict remain intact. Security must be mutual, not asymmetrical.
Russia has shown good faith repeatedly. We have declared humanitarian pauses, opened corridors, and are now prepared to transfer the remains of over 6,000 Ukrainian servicemen with full dignity. But we are confused by the fact that the Ukrainian side refuses even to initiate the process of retrieval. This is not just a moral and humanitarian obligation; it is a question of basic human decency. Yet our overtures are met with silence.
We are also gravely concerned by the proliferation of false and inflammatory propaganda, particularly regarding alleged mass abductions of children from areas of military operations. Let me be clear: during the last round of talks in Istanbul, the Ukrainian side provided a list of just over 300 minors. We have taken note of this and are looking into the details carefully. But the notion that tens of thousands were forcibly removed is nothing short of hysterical fabrication. It is a grotesque distortion of reality that poisons dialogue and undermines trust.
Our conditions are about ensuring predictability, stability, and mutual respect. If Kiev is genuinely interested in peace, as it claims, then it should engage constructively and refrain from fanning the flames of fear and misinformation.
Peace is possible but only when built on truth, not illusion. Russia stands ready. The choice is now with Ukraine and its backers.
Reports indicate Nepali youths have joined the Russian army, though no official data exists. Does Russia maintain records of these individuals?
I would like to underscore that all Nepali citizens who have joined the Russian Armed Forces have done so voluntarily, of their own free will, and strictly in accordance with the laws of the Russian Federation. In contrast to the chaotic and forced mobilization practices observed on the Ukrainian side, including the recruitment of foreign mercenaries through dubious schemes, Russia adheres to the rule of law and fully respects the choice of those who wish to serve.
Furthermore, it is important to clarify that not a single Nepali citizen was forcibly sent to participate in the Special Military Operation. Those Nepali nationals who have chosen to do so entered Russia entirely on their own initiative, selecting their route independently, often traveling via third countries and operating through private intermediaries. In this context, it is simply not possible for the Russian side to maintain any kind of centralized "record" of such individuals prior to their legal registration and entry into military service.
We fully understand and respect the precautionary measures that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Nepal has implemented in an effort to discourage Nepali citizens from entering conflict zones. As I have repeatedly noted, all issues concerning the participation of Nepali citizens in the Special Military Operation are being handled by the Embassy of Nepal in Moscow in close coordination with the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation. Therefore, any official information on this matter should come exclusively from these legitimate channels, and not from various false narratives and information attacks spread by enemies of Russia and those seeking to undermine the traditionally friendly relations between our two countries particularly those spreading baseless claims that Russia is somehow not honoring its commitments. This is simply not true.
What support is Russia providing to the families of Nepali combatants killed or seriously injured while fighting for Russia?
Naturally, all matters related to the welfare of the families of Nepali servicemen are handled in full accordance with the established legal and procedural framework of the Russian Federation. The process of delivering compensation and providing various forms of support is a complex and highly sensitive undertaking, requiring great care and attention to detail. In this regard, we highly value the important work being carried out by the Embassy of Nepal in Moscow, which is working closely with the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation to ensure that these matters are addressed in a thorough and timely manner.
At the same time, I would like to take this opportunity to address a common misunderstanding regarding the motives of those Nepali citizens who voluntarily chose to join the Special Military Operation. It is not entirely accurate to assume that these individuals believed they would be assigned only to non-combat roles or would remain safely far from the front lines. Any contract with the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation clearly stipulates that the individual may be called upon to participate in active military operations.
Furthermore, it is equally mistaken to think that all foreign citizens serving in the Russian military are now eager to leave and return home. On the contrary, there are many documented cases of foreign servicemen who, even when given the opportunity to withdraw, have chosen to remain at the front and continue serving alongside their Russian comrades. Such decisions speak to their personal conviction and the sense of duty they have embraced.
